They schemed, gossiped and stacked branches... but won almost nothing: Young Liberal insiders reveal the embarrassing truth about the Reformers: INSIDE MAIL

By NICHOLAS COMINO, POLITICAL REPORTER, AUSTRALIA Published: 06:53, 17 August 2026 | Updated: 06:56, 17 August 2026 As ICAC delves deeper into the Reformers affair, a striking gap has emerged between the scale of the allegations and the faction's actual political influence. The commission is investigating claims that a network of young Liberal operatives and supporters used fundraising, employment and consultancy arrangements to advance the interests of the Reformers - a conservative group that surfaced on the NSW Liberal Right between 2018 and 2021. Central to the inquiry are allegations that payments channelled through organisations including Catholic Schools NSW were, in effect, political donations that either breached legal caps, went undisclosed, or were funnelled through employment schemes. These claims are contested, and no findings have yet been made. Despite this, commentary around the inquiry has often portrayed the Reformers as a dominant backstage force in NSW Liberal politics. The Guardian, for instance, suggested the hearings exposed 'how a very conservative sub-faction of the right worked to dominate the Liberal party in NSW'. It's a compelling narrative - but one that bears little resemblance to the party's actual distribution of power during the Reformers' brief existence. For all the fundraising, branch-stacking, and factional intrigue now being aired at ICAC, the Reformers never managed to capture any of the party's major levers of power. Among those called to give evidence is long-serving chief executive Dallas McInerney (above), a prominent figure within the Liberal Party's Right who has faced extensive questioning Another central figure is Jean-Claude Perrottet (pictured), Dominic Perrottet's younger brother and one of the Reformers' principal organisers If anything, the evidence paints the picture of a faction desperate for influence but largely unable to secure it. Much of the inquiry has centred on the Reformers' ties with Catholic Schools NSW.  Key figures called to give evidence include long-serving chief executive Dallas McInerney, a noted member of the Liberal Right, who has faced detailed questioning about the employment of faction-linked individuals.  Board member John Perrottet, father of former premier Dominic Perrottet, has also featured prominently. Both men stepped aside from their roles after the inquiry began. Another central figure is Jean-Claude Perrottet, Dominic Perrottet's younger brother and a principal organiser for the Reformers. ICAC has scrutinised his hiring, promotion and redundancy at Catholic Schools NSW, alongside broader claims that Reformers-aligned individuals were given jobs or consultancies that indirectly aided factional activities. What the inquiry has not uncovered is evidence of a faction exerting real control over the Liberal Party. From its inception in 2018 to its effective collapse just a few years later, the Reformers remained largely shut out of the party's organisational, parliamentary and federal power bases - or, when they did progress, it was by relying on Moderates or Alex Hawke's 'centre-right' bloc, rather than wielding power independently. The party presidency never went to the Reformers. Former Liberal staffer Dylan Whitelaw was questioned about a so-called 'David Elliott s***sheet' Gladys Berejiklian's (pictured) success in delivering abortion law reform in 2019 also highlighted how little leverage the Reformers ultimately wielded Throughout the period, Moderates kept a tight grip on the position - first Phillip Ruddock, then Maria Kovacic, followed by Jason Falinski and Don Harwin. At no point did the Reformers gain control of the party's administrative machinery. Even their influence within the Young Liberals is widely overstated. Jean-Claude Perrottet became Young Liberal secretary in 2021 not through a Reformer takeover, but as part of a broader anti-Hawke alliance. The executive itself stayed firmly in the hands of Moderates and their allies, and was widely seen as the most 'progressive' in recent years. One of the more telling revelations from the inquiry has been the extraordinary lengths the faction allegedly went to in order to build its numbers. ICAC heard that Jean-Claude Perrottet sought funding for a phone-banking operation to recruit new Liberal members and expand the Reformers' influence inside the party. Businessman Frits Mare told the commission he was repeatedly asked to help fund the initiative, which would have paid organisers to contact prospective members and urge them to join the party. This approach stood in stark contrast to the Young Liberals' traditional rivals, who depended on tried-and-true methods: student politics, campus clubs, campaign work, social events and grassroots recruiting. The parliamentary wing was even less receptive to the Reformers' ambitions. For nearly the entire lifespan of the faction, Gladys Berejiklian - a leading Moderate - served as Premier and Liberal leader. Berejiklian's success in passing abortion law reform in 2019 also underscored how little sway the Reformers had. Despite strong lobbying from party conservatives and an attempt by Reformer-aligned MP Tanya Davies to have State Council condemn the changes, the motion failed, overwhelmingly opposed by party members. Even Dominic Perrottet's ascent to the premiership in 2021 did little to shift the balance of power. He won the leadership with substantial Moderate backing, defeating Rob Stokes, ensuring the overall factional make-up of the government remained unchanged. That pattern has continued since the Coalition's defeat in 2023. First Mark Speakman and now Kellie Sloane have led the parliamentary party, both emerging from the Moderate faction.  Canberra offered little relief. During the Reformers' rise and fall, Scott Morrison led the federal Liberal Party with strong backing from Alex Hawke, one of the group's most determined internal opponents.  Whatever ambitions the Reformers held federally, they found themselves largely shut out there too. Their record in pre-selections was similarly underwhelming. Noel McCoy, whose name has featured repeatedly throughout the ICAC hearings, was perhaps the faction's most significant political project.  The Reformers backed McCoy for Castle Hill following the redistribution that abolished David Elliott's seat of Baulkham Hills. The inquiry has also heard allegations that Liberal operatives compiled what was described as a 'David Elliott s***sheet', a dossier of political ammunition allegedly intended to damage the former minister.  Since 2023, Mark Speakman and now Kellie Sloane (pictured) have led the parliamentary party, both emerging from the Moderate faction. The Reformers' most significant achievement was helping remove veteran senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells (pictured) from the NSW Senate ticket in favour of the late Jim Molan in 2022 Former Liberal staffer Dylan Whitelaw admitted under questioning that he helped compile material on Elliott's political history, including earlier controversies that drew media attention. But the wider campaign against Elliott had little impact. McCoy never even reached a preselection ballot. The party's Nomination Review Committee blocked his candidacy, reportedly due to his vaccination views and criticism of the Berejiklian government's handling of Covid. Attempts to unseat Alex Hawke as MP for Mitchell also failed. So, what did the Reformers actually achieve? Beyond some scattered branch wins, pockets of influence in the Young Liberals and occasional factional successes, the answer is: not much. Their most significant legacy was removing veteran senator Concetta Fierravanti-Wells from the NSW Senate ticket in favour of the late Jim Molan ahead of the 2022 federal election, a preselection widely viewed in Liberal circles as 'Connie's last stand'. Facing an audience of about 800 state council delegates at the Hilton Sydney, Fierravanti-Wells delivered a combative speech, warning repeatedly of 'factional skullduggery' she believed had sealed her fate. Instead of rallying support, her address highlighted how isolated she had become within the party's Right faction. The mood in the room was unsympathetic. During a tense Q&A, she faced openly hostile questions - including from Reformers and other Liberal Right delegates. Most damaging was the lack of backing from the parliamentary ranks: not a single sitting state or federal Liberal MP publicly endorsed her. Party insiders saw this as the result of an informal unity pact, backed by then prime minister Scott Morrison and then premier Dominic Perrottet, both keen to avoid a public split ahead of the federal election. MPs instead endorsed arch-moderate Marise Payne and Jim Molan, who secured the top two spots on the Senate ticket. Fierravanti-Wells launched a blistering attack on Morrison (right), Hawke (left) and the factional figures she believed had engineered her political demise 'None of your federal colleagues have endorsed you. Why should we?' she was asked by a Young Liberal member, who was aligned with Molan, a question which caused the room to erupt.  One of the harshest questions came from McInerney himself, accusing Fierravanti-Wells of engaging in her own factional games, despite her campaign against it.  The fallout produced one of the defining factional moments of the Morrison era. In her now-infamous Budget night speech, Fierravanti-Wells launched a blistering attack on Morrison, Hawke and the factional figures she believed had engineered her political demise. In what now appears remarkably prescient, she named several individuals who have since surfaced throughout the ICAC inquiry, including Dallas McInerney, Charles Perrottet and Robert Assaf. Yet even that triumph was short-lived. Molan died less than a year later and was replaced by former Liberal president Maria Kovacic, a leading Moderate with strong ties across the party establishment.  Today, the majority of the Liberal Senate team is made up of Andrew Bragg, Maria Kovacic and Dave Sharma, all Moderates.  In other words, even one of the Reformers' clearest successes ultimately failed to produce any lasting factional dividend.  Moderate-aligned Senators Dave Sharma (pictured), Maria Kovacic and Andrew Bragg make up the majority of the NSW Liberal Senate team  Just one Senator, Jess Collins, hails from the right faction.  Her success was widely credited with a deal made with the moderates to remove Senator Hollie Hughes, aligned with Alex Hawke.   The next winnable Senate spots are set to be fought between Kovacic and Sharma, with another reserved for the Nationals under Coalition agreements. Unless the party's internal dynamics shift dramatically, the Liberal Right is likely to remain on the sidelines. And that's the central irony of the ICAC saga. For all the money raised, members recruited, networks built and manoeuvring within the party, the faction's political impact was minimal. They never captured the organisation, never reshaped the parliamentary wing, and never established a lasting federal foothold. What they did gain was a front-row seat at one of the state's most significant corruption inquiries. For many involved, ICAC itself may prove far more consequential than any political successes the Reformers ever managed.