Syrian Kurds Naturalised as “Arabs”: Administrative Error or Systematic Policy?

Confusion mixed with apprehension continues to shadow the faces of Maktoum al-Qayd—stateless Kurds—who have begun submitting citizenship applications at centres newly opened by the Damascus government. Many hesitate as they encounter the phrase “Syrian Arab” in the nationality field, torn between rejecting it for fear of repeating a painful past or accepting it out of concern that refusal might jeopardise a rare chance at legal recognition.

Images circulating on social media show the phrase “Syrian Arab” entered into the nationality field of application forms intended for stateless Kurds and those previously deprived of citizenship. The wording has ignited widespread controversy, as it contradicts Legislative Decree No. 13 of 2026, issued by transitional president Ahmed al-Sharaa, which recognises Kurdish political and cultural rights. Article 6 of the decree states: “State media and educational institutions are committed to adopting an inclusive national discourse, and any discrimination or exclusion based on ethnicity or language is legally prohibited.”

For many Kurds, the reappearance of the “Syrian Arab” descriptor evokes memories of Arabisation policies imposed under Hafez al-Assad and continued under his son, Bashar. The phrase carries the weight of decades of exclusion, erasure and administrative discrimination.

Rights Groups Warn of a “Ba’athist Legacy”

Speaking to Daraj, Orhan Kamal, head of the Statelessness Victims Network in Hasakah, said several applicants reported that employees at registration centres claimed to be acting on instructions from the Ministry of Interior.

“Any procedure that imposes an identity on applicants violates the principle of non-discrimination and requires immediate correction,” he said.

The Network issued a statement on 7 April describing the practice as a clear breach of Decree 13. The statement argued that inserting an imposed national descriptor contradicts international standards, which affirm that national identity must be based solely on an individual’s free declaration.

Orhan added that the Network deliberately avoided speculating about motives—whether political or administrative—focusing instead on the legal implications. If the instructions are confirmed, he said, the issue extends beyond individual discretion and reflects directives that require urgent review, particularly since they amount to indirect administrative discrimination.

He also warned that Syria’s administrative structure still carries the imprint of the Ba’ath Party’s centralised policies, which historically enforced specific national classifications in official records. He described the addition of “Syrian Arab” as a reproduction of discriminatory patterns associated with the 1962 Census, which stripped tens of thousands of Kurds of their citizenship.

Who Are the Stateless?

According to Syrians for Truth and Justice, the number of stateless Kurds in Hasakah exceeded 171,300 by 2011. Around 50,400 obtained citizenship by 2018 after their status was gradually adjusted from “stateless” to “foreigners” (Ajanib) and eventually to full citizenship. Yet nearly 41,000 were unable to change their status due to administrative obstacles, while another 5,000 did not apply. By 2018, most “Hasakah Foreigners” had been naturalised—326,489 out of 346,242.

A Joy Shadowed by Doubt

Abdul Wahab Abu al-Ward (a pseudonym), a young Kurdish applicant, said he was shocked by an official’s insistence on recording what he called “the lethal phrase.”

“I fear mentioning my real name,” he told Daraj. “I do not want my children to live without an identity for the rest of their lives. After sixty-three years of injustice, we expected better from the new government.”

He added that Kurds live on their historical land and had hoped their nationality would be recorded as “Syrian Kurdish.” Seeing “Syrian Arab” instead, he said, deepens the pain and revives fears of a returning Ba’athist mentality.

Fahd al-Youssef shared a similar experience. “The official wrote ‘Syrian Arab’ in the nationality field. When I asked him why, he said those were the instructions. Later, I heard him telling media personnel that people were writing it themselves without understanding what they were doing.”

A Return to Old Patterns?

Moaz al-Youssef, a lawyer and member of the Kurdish National Council’s legal office, told Daraj that it is no longer forbidden to acknowledge the Kurdish national identity in Syria. Decree 13 and repeated assurances from President al-Sharaa, he said, affirmed the historical role of Kurds in the country.

He attributed the current issue to employees within the Ministry of Interior who continue to act according to old nationalist and Arabist tendencies, even though the broader political climate in Syria has moved beyond such narrow frameworks.

In a follow-up, an official at the Civil Registry in Qamishli described the incident as an “individual error that has been corrected,” adding that the word “Arab” will no longer be added to the nationality field. Future records, he said, will use either “Syrian” or “stateless.”

 

This article was translated and edited by The Syrian Observer. The Syrian Observer has not verified the content of this story. Responsibility for the information and views set out in this article lies entirely with the author.

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